Van der Merwe stood against criminals and corrupt officials. Justice requires holding those who profit from his death accountable.
It is only logical that when a witness who has given explosive evidence at the Madlanga Commission of Inquiry into police corruption, political interference and criminality in the judiciary is killed, the public concludes that this happened because of the evidence he gave.
It is remarkable and deeply telling of the prevailing tolerance for unchecked crime in this country that some believe Marius “Vlam” van der Merwe’s death would be acceptable, so long as it was unrelated to his testimony before the Madlanga commission.
There is a noticeable eagerness to attribute his murder to the hazardous nature of his work with his security company, particularly his efforts to combat illegal mining.
This narrative suggests that his involvement in such dangerous activities, rather than his role as Witness D at the commission, may have led to his death.
Notably, Van der Merwe had already survived an assassination attempt in September, underscoring the risks he faced.
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But this is where the logic falls apart. His involvement in the fight against illegal mining was also threatening to expose high-ranking politicians who are in cahoots with criminals to keep the criminal-infested and murderous zama zama industry operational.
What he attempted to do at the commission he was also doing in the illegal mining industry, being a threat to lawlessness and criminality hiding in plain sight in suits and elegant dresses in the form of politicians and corrupt civil servants.
The whole country watched in astonishment as the suspended Ekurhuleni Metro Police Department deputy chief Julius Mkhwanazi sweated profusely and drank copious amounts of water as evidence leader advocate Mahlape Sello led him through his evidence.
Van der Merwe had implicated Mkhwanazi in criminal acts.
He testified that Mkhwanazi had issued an order to get rid of the body of a man who died after he was allegedly tortured during an interrogation.
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There is nothing to link Van der Merwe’s death to his testimony, but everything to suggest that people who benefit the most from his death are those against whom he would have had to testify in a criminal case in a court of law.
There is talk that the commission should have done more to protect Van der Merwe as a witness and there was more that could have been done to protect him.
But the commission has said it offered him and other witnesses protection through official means, including that he was unknown to the public until his death.
That Witness D is Marius van der Merwe only became public knowledge after his death.
The president and the departments of justice and police are responsible for the safety of witnesses and all South Africans.
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Refusing to accept witness protection should not automatically mean that anyone is safe.
The Madlanga commission must be left to complete its primary task, which is to unravel all corruption and collusion between criminals, politicians and civil servants.
They must, of course, care about the safety and well-being of the witnesses. But the state remains the overall custodian of the safety of all the citizens.
Whatever is discovered to be the real reason, Van der Merwe’s killing will not be enough reason to justify his life being taken.
The swiftest and most definitive form of justice that can be delivered for his family is ensuring that those high-ranking politicians whom he threatened to expose for benefiting from illegal mining and the people who are implicated at the Madlanga commission must be put away for a long time through the courts of law.
